Σφαγές χριστιανικές


The meeting of the Portuguese armada and the pilgrim ship resulted in an event that can perhaps be called one of the cruelest actions in history, though it has been glossed over by people of that time and many years thereafter. Upon seeing the Meri, The Portuguese ships fired warning shots, but the pilgrim ship did not retaliate even though it had artillery. The ship was loaded with very rich people and 10 of the richest Muslims of Calicut were on board, led by Jauhar Al Faquih. Gama proceeded to negotiate with this man, who first offered money & spices, which was refused by Gama. He then offered Gama one of his wives, his nephew as ransom and offered to load 4 Portuguese ships with spices. These discussions went on for 5 days. He also offered to arrange friendship between Gama and the new Zamorin. Gama refused and demanded all the wealth on the ship. The proud Al Faquih responded by asking Gama to ask for it himself as he had taken over command of the ship. Gama did that and obtained much money and jewels and in return first provided five boats of food items. He then disarmed the ship and boarded it, ordering his men to set fire to various parts of the ship and after it had caught fire, sailed away. The valiant pilgrims somehow put out the fire, but seeing this, the Gama came back to finish it off. The desperate pilgrims and women offered all their jewels and riches, if only they were allowed to leave with their infants and children.


COSCO και Αντιπολίτευση


Δεν σας αρέσει ο Άδωνις? Είναι πολύ ακραίος? Πάρτε λίγο comme il faut απόψεις. Βέβαια, η επιστολή της εταιρείας ζητά «πολύ λογικά πράγματα». Θα πει κάποιος: προδότες και «κωλοτούμπες» του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, θα πω εγώ: η αντιπολίτευση στην Ελλάδα υπάρχει ως εκπρόσωπος εταιρείας?

Άμεση Δημοκρατία

αρχείο λήψης

Power to the people?

That is not as easy to decide as we might imagine, and the whole issue is clouded by the almost universal hostility to democracy of surviving ancient commentators and the almost universal admiration of modern historians. Plato was not the only writer to see the Athenian electorate as an undisciplined, uneducated and fickle mob, swayed by unscrupulous demagogues; and he was not quite as wrong as one might hope. On one notorious occasion, the people assembled on one day and voted to put to death the entire male population of the town of Mytilene on the island of Lesbos, as punishment for their revolt against Athenian imperial control. On the next day, they decided to have a second vote – the ancient equivalent of a second referendum – and opted instead for leniency. A desperate race ensued, as the ship taking news of the change of heart rowed furiously to catch up with the first one already dispatched. It just made it, and the victims were spared.

A different version of manipulation put an end to the whole system. Despite its modern fame, ostracism only lasted about seventy years and fewer than fifteen people were ever sent into exile this way. The last was an unlucky character, who is supposed to have been the victim of a stitch-up in 416 BC – when two rival establishment figures, Nikias and Alkibiades, both major candidates for exile, decided to do a deal and get their own supporters to turn their votes against a third party, by the name of Hyperbolos. It was he who was sent away, while the intended targets escaped scot-free. No one could have failed to spot what had gone on. And the glaring exposure of establishment control and of their self-interested trade-off destroyed any myth of people power. Ostracism was never used again.

Ασφυξία και μετα- καπιταλισμός


One Click at a Time. 

  • PostCapitalism: A Guide to Our Future by Paul Mason
    Allen Lane, 368 pp, £8.99, June, ISBN 978 0 14 197529 0
  • Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World without Work byNick Srnicek and Alex Williams

With the shrinking of waged labour, and the incapacity of new technologies to get the system going again owing to their in-built preference for the free and collective, capital is reduced to consuming the remains of the welfare state while frantically trying to find a way to ‘monetise’ social networks. ‘To capture the externalities in an information-heavy economy,’ Mason writes, ‘capital has to extend its ownership rights into new areas; it has to own our selves, our playlists, not just our publicised academic papers but the research we did to write them.

Σχέσεις της Ορθοδόξου Εκκλησίας προς τον λοιπόν Χριστιανικόν κόσμον

synodos megali

Παρά ταῦτα, ἡ Ὀρθόδοξος Ἐκκλησία ἀποδέχεται τήν ἱστορικήν ὀνομασίαν τῶν μή εὑρισκομένων ἐν κοινωνίᾳ μετ’ αὐτῆς ἄλλων ἑτεροδόξων χριστιανικῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν καί Ὁμολογιῶν, ἀλλά πιστεύει ὅτι αἱ πρός ταύτας σχέσεις αὐτῆς πρέπει νά στηρίζωνται ἐπί τῆς ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ὅσον ἔνεστι ταχυτέρας καί ἀντικειμενικωτέρας ἀποσαφηνίσεως τοῦ ὅλου ἐκκλησιολογικοῦ θέματος καί ἰδιαιτέρως τῆς γενικωτέρας παρ’ αὐταῖς διδασκαλίας περί μυστηρίων, χάριτος, ἱερωσύνης καί ἀποστολικῆς διαδοχῆς

Ἡ Ὀρθόδοξος Ἐκκλησία πιστή εἰς τήν ἐκκλησιολογίαν αὐτῆς, εἰς τήν ταυτότητα τῆς ἐσωτερικῆς αὐτῆς δομῆς καί εἰς τήν διδασκαλίαν τῆς ἀρχαίας Ἐκκλησίας τῶν ἑπτά Οἰκουμενικῶν Συνόδων, συμμετέχουσα ἐν τῷ ὀργανισμῷ τοῦ Π.Σ.Ε., οὐδόλως ἀποδέχεται τήν ἰδέαν τῆς «ἰσότητος τῶν Ὁμολογιῶν» καί οὐδόλως δύναται νά δεχθῇ τήν ἑνότητα τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ὥς τινα διομολογιακήν προσαρμογήν. Ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τούτῳ, ἡ ἑνότης ἡ ὁποία ἀναζητεῖται ἐν τῷ Π.Σ.Ε. δέν δύναται νά εἶναι προϊόν μόνον θεολογικῶν συμφωνιῶν, ἀλλά καί τῆς ἐν τοῖς μυστηρίοις τηρουμένης καί βιουμένης ἐν τῇ Ὀρθοδόξῳ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἑνότητος τῆς πίστεως.


Ανακαίνιση μπάνιου


Με αφορμή:

Σκηνή Πρώτη. Συνεργεία Αλβανών. Δουλειά από το πρωί ως το βράδυ. Νεαροί στην ηλικία, ήδη με οικογένεια. Εάν ο τόπος ανήκει σε αυτούς που τον δουλεύουν, τότε τους ανήκει.

Σκηνή Δεύτερη. Καφετέριες στη Φωκίωνος. Το in είναι οι ναργιλέδες. Αραχτοί και light οι μουσοφόροι φοιτητές (κ.α.) δεν αγχώνονται. Αυτοί της σκηνής πρώτης είναι η προϋπόθεση του ναργιλέ τους.

Σκηνή Τρίτη. Κείμενα, καταγγελίες, διακηρύξεις, σχόλια για την κρίση που δεν είναι μόνο οικονομική αλλά και εθνική, πολιτιστική κα. Οι απαντήσεις δίνονται από τις δύο πρώτες σκηνές.

Σκηνή Τέταρτη. «Πρόσφυγες καλοδεχούμενοι«. Οι «χωρικοί» (τα παιδιά του χώρου) έχουν καταλάβει το νόημα. Μόνο η σκηνή πρώτη μας (τους) συμφέρει. Οπότε welcome και να ο Δεληβοριάς, ο Μπακιρτζής κτλ. Είναι οι πιο συνεπείς υποστηρικτές των απόψεων και αποφάσεων της παγκοσμιοποιημένης άρχουσας τάξης.

Σόρρυ, αλλά ταξικότητα βρίσκω μόνο στην πρώτη σκηνή. Οι άλλες μυρίζουν τοξικότητα. Καλές λοιπόν οι «πατριωτικές» και «αριστερές» κορώνες αλλά αφορούν μόνο αυτούς που τις λένε, κάτι συνταξιούχους και τα παιδάκια τους στο εξωτερικό όσο ακόμα νοσταλγούν.

Να θυμίσω: το έτος είναι 2016, 6 χρόνια σκληρού Μνημονίου, και όχι το 2004.

Νέες κοινωνικές δυνάμεις!


Σχόλιο- απάντηση σε μία διακήρυξη, που φάνηκε ελπιδοφόρα σε μερικούς, αυτοί μπορούν να δουν τι ακριβώς υπάρχει από πίσω….Το θέμα λοιπόν δεν είναι το κάθε «ψώνιο» σχολιαστής ή οπαδός, το θέμα είναι ότι μέσα από ομίχλες πατριωτισμού και «Γοργοποτάμου» επιβιώνει ο λαϊκισμός του νεο- φιλελευθερισμού. Η κοινωνική/ οικονομική (θες να την πεις ταξική, πες την!) κρίση και επίθεση είναι, αδέλφια, 50% και η εθνική/ πολιτισμική 50%. Δεν υπάρχει η μία χωρίς την άλλη. Τώρα, αν ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ είναι το αναγκαίο κακό για να ξεχνάμε την κοινωνικο- οικονομική διάσταση, το πρόβλημα είναι στο ΑΡΔΗΝ, και όχι στον (κάθε) ΣΥΡΙΖΑ:

«Η διακηρυξη μιλαει για το κρατος δυναστη, που πρεπει να αποσυνδεθει απο τα κομματοσκυλα που εν πολλοις το στελεχωνουν και να αναδομηθει. Επισης επιτιθεται στους επιχειρηματιες εργολαβους του δημοσιου που μαζι του ξεκοκαλιζουν ο τι παραγεται σε αυτη τη χωρα. Αντιθετα μιλαει για ενισχυση των παραγωγικων κλαδων. Αυτες ειναι ταξικοτατες αναφορες αλλα με την πραγματικη εννοια της ταξικοτητας, οχι οπως εχει καταντησει απο την ελληνικη αριστερα που προλεταριατο της ειναι τα πσρασιτα του δημοσιου δηλαδη οι βολεμενοι και εξασφαλισμενοι που ζουν σε βαρος των αλλων. Τα αμαξια και τα σπιτια αυτων των τεμπεληδων και τις περιουσιες που εκαναν χωρις να δουλευουν εδω και 40 χρονια εγιναν δημοσιο χρεος και αυτο το πληρωνουν και θα το πληρωνουν αυτοι που παραγουν αυτοι και τα παιδια τους και τα εγγονια τους. Αυτη ειναι η ταξικοτητα της ελληνικης αριστερας»


Brexit είπατε;


Another reason for the swelling ranks of the working poor is the labour market itself. The first difficulty is the relative scarcity of full-time jobs. Though the economy has been growing for six years, many people—particularly those at the bottom end of the labour market, whose skills are least in demand—do not work as many hours as they would like. About one in every 25 people in employment work part-time even though they would prefer full-time employment, up from one in 40 before the recession. Analysis by the Institute for Fiscal Studies, a think-tank, suggests that 21% of employees in the bottom quarter of wage-earners are in “relative” poverty (ie, receive less than 60% of the current median income) if they work at least 30 hours a week. The percentage rises to 28% if they work fewer than 16 hours a week.

The second difficulty is that median hourly real wages are still 7% below their pre-recession level. This is largely because of measly growth in productivity. In its most recent forecast, in March, the Office for Budget Responsibility, a government watchdog, sharply cut its forecast for future productivity increases. One positive development is that wage growth at the low end of the earnings distribution has outpaced the median in recent years, thus helping reduce relative poverty.




Αντί σχολίου :

Reading for keywords—though I doubt that research studies can say anything definitive about it—may have the effect of confirming in a reader the associations that those keywords already hold. So a reader who sees the words “immigration” or “abortion” on screen may end up with stronger feelings about them, not with the potentially different ideas, originating from a different person, that someone might get when reading an argument about the same words on paper. The implications of this effect on recent political life—the furies aroused, for example, by Donald Trump’s Twitter feed—will not escape anyone’s notice. Anger feeds on itself to produce greater anger; polarities of opinion become intensified; individual voters coalesce into baiting crowds; virtual enmities erupt into physical ones.

In The Filter Bubble (2011), Eli Pariser attributed this narrowing effect to technologies used by Google, Amazon, Apple, and others to feed search results, or suggestions of books and music that might “also interest” you, that match and confirm information that you searched for earlier, and that others who have been associated with you by algorithms also searched for. Left- or right-wing users are nudged by onscreen links to books and sites that endorse the views they already hold. Pariser’s argument, though much disputed, seems essentially unchallengeable, and a comparably narrowing effect may be produced not only by corporate machinations but also by new habits of online reading.